What's Next in the James Comey and James Legal Cases?
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- By John Brown
- 15 Jul 2026
The UK government is testing out a new stance on Brexit, but this isn't equivalent to a policy reversal. The adjustment is primarily tonal.
Previously, Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves described Britain's detachment from Europe as a fixed element of the national situation, awkward to handle perhaps, but ultimately unavoidable. Currently, they are willing to acknowledge it as a genuine affliction.
Addressing attendees at a local economic summit this week, the chancellor included Brexit together with the pandemic and austerity as factors behind ongoing financial stagnation. She repeated this perspective at an IMF meeting in the US capital, observing that the country's productivity challenge has been worsened by the manner in which the UK left the EU.
This was a carefully worded declaration, assigning damage not to the departure decision but to its implementation; blaming the officials who handled it, not the public who supported it. This distinction will be crucial when the financial plan is unveiled soon. The goal is to attribute some fiscal difficulties to the agreement reached under previous leadership without appearing to dismiss the hopes of leave voters.
For those who value evidence, the financial debate is largely settled. The Office for Budget Responsibility calculates that the UK's sustained output is four percent reduced than it would have been with ongoing European partnership.
Beyond the expenses from new trade barriers, there has been a ongoing drop in business investment due to governmental uncertainty and unclear rules. There was also the opportunity cost of government energy being diverted toward a task for which little planning had been made, since few proponents had thoroughly evaluated the practical implications of making it happen.
When facts are undeniable, officials struggle to maintain political neutrality. The Bank of England governor informed a recent international forum that he holds no position on EU exit before adding that its impact on growth will be negative for the foreseeable future.
He predicted a slight positive adjustment over the long term, which provides scant relief to a chancellor who must tackle a major funding gap soon. Taxes are set to rise, and Reeves wants the citizens to recognize that Brexit is a partial cause.
The statement is worth making because it is true. That doesn't guarantee electoral advantage from expressing it. This truth was evident when the administration delivered its earlier fiscal plan and during the national vote, which Labour fought while avoiding the inevitability of tax increases.
Now, with the government being established but unpopular, detailing financial struggles sounds like justifying failure to numerous constituents. There might be more advantage in blaming the Conservatives for everything if they were the sole opposition and a credible threat. The classic incumbent strategy in a two-party system is to claim cleanup duty the previous administration's mess and caution voters. The rise of another party makes things harder.
Ideological gaps between the main opponents are small, but the electorate notice personal rivalry more than ideological alignment. Supporters of the Reform leader due to lost faith in the system—especially on border policy—do not view Reform and the Tories as similar entities. One party has a history of permitting entry, while the other does not—a difference their leader will repeatedly emphasize.
Farage is less eager to discuss Brexit, partly because it is a legacy shared with Conservatives and partly because there are no positive outcomes to highlight. When pressed, he may contend that the goal was sabotaged by flawed implementation, but even that explanation acknowledges disappointment. Easier to redirect conversation.
This explains why the government feels more confident bringing it up. Starmer's recent party conference speech marked a turning point. Earlier, he had addressed UK-EU relations in dry, technical terms, focusing on a relationship reset that addressed non-controversial trade barriers like border inspections while steering clear of the divisive cultural issues at the core of the post-referendum turmoil.
In his speech, Starmer did not fully embrace old remainer rhetoric, but he hinted at familiarity with previous assertions. He mentioned "false promises on the side of the campaign vehicle"—referring to leave campaign pledges about health service money—in the context of "dubious solutions" promoted by leaders whose simplistic answers exacerbate the country's challenges.
Departure from the EU was equated with the pandemic as traumas endured by ordinary people in recent years. Comparing Brexit to a disease indicates a tougher tone, even if the economic measures currently under discussion in EU headquarters remain unchanged.
The objective is to link Farage to a well-known example of deceptive campaigning, suggesting he is unreliable; that he capitalizes on frustration and creates conflict but lacks governing competence.
Recent suspensions of local representatives from the party's administrative wing reinforces that narrative. Leaked footage of a online meeting showed internal disputes and recrimination, highlighting the difficulties amateurs face when delivering public services on limited budgets—much harder than campaigning about cutting waste or controlling immigration.
This criticism is productive for the government, but it requires the government's service delivery being good enough that electing Reform seems a dangerous experiment. Moreover, this is a strategy for a future campaign that may not occur until 2029. If Starmer and Reeves wish to be seen as antidotes to Faragism, they must demonstrate meanwhile with a clear, constructive program of their own.
There are limits to what can be achieved with a change in tone, and the clock is ticking. It would be simpler to argue now that EU exit is harmful and Farage a fraud if they had said so earlier. How many more options might they have? Do they merit praise for admitting it now when other excuses have failed? Certainly. But the issue with reaching the obvious conclusion via the longest path is that observers wonder the delay. Starting from the truth is faster.
An experienced mountaineer and outdoor writer who shares practical tips and personal stories from trails worldwide.